In the political and institutional landscape of the southern shore of the Mediterranean, the Kingdom of Morocco holds the rare distinction of having embraced political and party pluralism since independence in 1956. This tradition of multi-party politics, enshrined in the country’s first constitu tion of 1962, has been coupled with successive legislative elections since 1963. Morocco’s political parties, the oldest of which date back to the 1930s, reflect a broad ideological diversity, yet all converge in their recognition of the nation’s institutional and historical memory, centred on the Monarchy and the uninterrupted existence of a central State for over a thousand years.
It is within this context that the September 2026 legislative elections are taking place, which will elect the country’s 12th legislature. These elections are, however, distinguished by the particular circumstances of an international environment marked by a profound questioning of the major ideological and geopolitical balances that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century. We are witnessing a progressive erosion of international institutions, compounded by a deep crisis of the principle of political representation, even in long-established democracies.
The Moroccan experience holds lessons for these troubled times. The first, and most important, is that liberalism cannot thrive without being anchored in the social and cultural fabric of society. The second lesson concerns the importance of social cohesion. Participation in elections is but one element among a broader set of parameters that must be consolidated. For an open society with strong democratic institutions cannot flourish without trust in institutions, legitimate elites, and shared values.
Under the High Leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, Morocco’s democratic experience rests firmly on two pillars: the affirmation of a historical, institutional and patrimonial framework as the foundation of political life, and a constant commitment to collective cohesion, social and territorial inclusion, and participation in its various forms. The constitutional reform of 2011 reaffirmed these principles: it establishes a subtle balance between participation mediated by regular elections at different territorial levels and various forms of direct participation; furthermore, it enshrines, alongside formal political rights, a vigorous defence of social, cultural and environmental rights, which are the condition for strong social cohesion resilient in the face of socioeconomic shocks.
This social liberalism, inscribed within the framework of a protective and strategic State, is the horizon of the new public policies we seek to deploy. The alternative is not between economic dirigisme and the brutality of the market, but between the intelligence of regulated systems that reconcile freedom and protection, and the upheavals born of tensions between blind capitalism and the accelerated fragmentation of the social fabric.
This balance between formal institutions and practices rooted in community traditions, attuned to everyday concerns, resonates with current debates on “commons,” on proximity consultation mechanisms, and on the involvement of populations affected by public policies. Digital tools and artificial intelligence will play a crucial role in this new era of democracy, provided they are deployed with discernment. It is under these conditions that the dangers besetting contemporary democracies — disaffection and populism — may be overcome.
Born in the cultural and political conditions of the eighteenth century, liberalism has endured several trials, some of which nearly proved fatal. Our era presents a new crisis of comparable magnitude. Digital tools are proving to be double-edged in their relationship with democracy; the climate crisis threatens the biological equilibria of humanity; the struggle for increasingly scarce resources calls into question the principles of globalisation. To survive, liberalism must reinvent itself. It can no longer afford to overlook the environmental dimension, neglect the social and cultural dimensions of living together, or deny the historical and identity-based foundations of societies. It is at the cost of this profound rethinking that liberalism can survive contemporary challenges and flourish on renewed foundations.
Our conviction is that countries such as Morocco, sustained by exceptional historical continuity, can offer new solutions for a genuinely cosmopolitan liberalism — grounded in a universalism that respects the plurality of cultures and historical experiences.